article · Social Sciences
Generic survey measures of consumer boycotting and demonstration participation cannot identify whether respondents acted for climate-related reasons. This study therefore separates climate-specific orientations from general political participation repertoires and examines how both vary by migration generation and origin. We analysed European Social Survey Round 11, edition 4.1 (N = 50,116 across 30 participating countries); because the original submission used an edition 3.0 subset (N = 46,162 across 28 countries), we also report common 28-country sensitivity analyses. The primary analytic sample comprised 48,914 native-origin, first-generation African, other first-generation, second-generation African-origin, and other second-generation respondents. Weighted linear probability models included host-country fixed effects and design-based standard errors using sampling strata and primary sampling units. First-generation African immigrants showed no statistically detectable adjusted differences from native-origin respondents in climate responsibility, climate worry, or belief in the human causation of climate change. They had lower adjusted probabilities of consumer boycotting (−10.07 percentage points, 95% CI [−15.25, −4.89]) and demonstration participation (−4.09 points, 95% CI [−7.81, −0.37]). A fully interacted stacked tactic model showed that income decile was more strongly associated with boycotting than with demonstrations (income decile × boycott = 0.79 points, 95% CI [0.35, 1.23]), whereas subjective income difficulty did not differ by tactic. Adding income terms reduced the African immigrant boycott coefficient by only 0.62 points on a common analytic sample. The results do not measure climate activism. They indicate no statistically detectable differences in measured climate orientations, but lower first-generation participation in general political repertoires; income is related to boycotting but is insufficient to explain group differences.
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DOI: 10.3390/socsci15090604
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